The great housing experiment that failed
Tearing down the housing projects,
mixing poor with
rich has not worked
Crime is up, not
down
All across the country starting in the
1990s, housing project after housing project was torn down and its
poor residents sent out on their own with Section 8 vouchers. The
idea was to end the concentration of poverty that supposedly bred
crime. In their new neighborhoods, the poor would supposedly acquire
the productive habits of the middle class around them.
No one thought the poor would bring crime
with them. No one thought the poor would become even more isolated
from social service support networks like health care and job
training. No one thought that “mixed-income” housing, the great love
of reformers, would cause more problems, not less.
Atlantic Monthly article
The opening paragraphs above are heresy
to the politically correct establishment. We would not write them if
it were not for a headlined article called “American Murder Mystery”
in the July/August 2008 issue of the prestigious Atlantic Monthly
magazine (www.theatlantic.com), an article outlining the shape of a
new and growing crime explosion across America that it blames on the
national experiment to tear down the housing projects.
We would not write these paragraphs if we
had not googled for research and found that every study we checked
out supported the conclusions of the Atlantic Monthly
article. We would not write these paragraphs if we did not have
first-hand experience from the Wellington-Harrington neighborhood in
Cambridge, which is feeling the growing deleterious effects of
locating more and more low-income people in its midst.
Crime & section 8
For a long time in the 1990s, the big
story was falling crime rates, especially in big cities like New
York and Los Angeles, which had once been the “twin capitals of
violent crime.” Then suddenly came a sharp new rise in crime,
sometimes at a rate of 20 percent increase every year. The crime
rose not in big cities, but middle-sized cities like Memphis,
Tennessee, and Kansas City, Missouri. What some officials noticed
was that crime was no longer concentrated in a few areas. It became
“all spread out,” except for the inner city, which had been
gentrified.
Two researchers in Memphis happened to
fall upon the likely cause of the crime rise – probably because they
were married to each other. One was a criminologist, the other a
housing expert. The criminologist mapped out all the known addresses
of violent crime in Memphis. The housing expert mapped out all the
section 8 voucher rentals. When they laid one map on the other, “the
match was near-perfect.” All the crime areas were covered with dots
representing section 8 vouchers. The rest of the city was
crime-free.
Now these researchers wondered: Could
they convince anyone else of their findings?
Out of the ghetto
Starting back in 1977, families living in
housing projects began to be relocated to middle-class suburban
neighborhoods with good public schools. If these families could see
a different way of life, the middle-class way of life, they could
learn to live like the middle class – or so everyone thought.
Eventually, the federal government poured
$6.3 billion into a program called HOPE VI, or “Housing
Opportunities for People Everywhere.” Tens of thousands of
public-housing tenants all over the country were leaving the
projects and moving to suburbia.
But then the crime rate started to go up
in suburbia where they moved. As one former housing project tenant
said: “You move from one place to another and you bring the element
with you. You got some [people] trying to make it just like the
projects.”
Making things worse
It isn’t just a matter of changing where
crime occurs. The exodus of the poor to the suburbs creates more
total crime and more bad neighborhoods. According to one researcher,
if you compare two scenarios – a city split into high-poverty and
low-poverty areas and a city dominated by medium-poverty areas – the
second scenario is likely to cause more neighborhoods to tip past a
point of no return where crime mushrooms and severe social problems
set in.
In 2003, the Brookings Institute
identified 15 cities where high-poverty neighborhoods had declined
the most. Recently, they have turned out to be among the most
violent cities in the country, according to FBI data.
Crime & everything else
It isn’t just a matter of crime. The move
to suburbia has not lifted people out of poverty and made them
self-sufficient. In general, researchers find no health, education
or employment benefits.
One of the most surprising findings is
that the poor who moved to suburbia “miss the old community” that
had developed at the projects. “For all its faults, there was a
tight network that existed [in the projects]…Have we underestimated
the role of support networks and overestimated the role of place?”
Putting poor minorities and middle-class
whites together does not automatically integrate them. Moreover,
when the poor moved out of the projects, they lost their
public-support systems – health clinics, child care, job training –
which had all been located close at hand. Now they were sometimes
miles away.
Reassessment
These conclusions suggest that America’s
housing policymakers are way off the mark in several respects. They
do not really know what causes poverty or crime. Their current
theory – that it’s the person’s or the group’s environment,
especially its physical environment (a nice new home to live in) –
is largely wrong. Giving people middle-class homes and taking them
“out of the ghetto” has little or no positive effect but rather a
bad effect.
And while we are on the subject of mixing
different cultures together, we should report a large-scale study
that made headlines in some quarters – the diversity study by
Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam. Putnam, a good
progressive, was alarmed by the results of his study of some 30,000
individuals across the country. He delayed publication and
double-checked his results. In detailed interviews, Putnam and his
researchers asked individuals about their “civic engagement,” that
is, their involvement in church, government, clubs, just about
anything outside of the home. Wherever there was high diversity, a
high mixture of cultures, the more likely were the people to
withdraw into home life and avoid civic engagement. All the emphasis
on “our differences make us strong” may actually lead to
disintegration of the larger communities we live in.
Atlantic
Monthly
article supported
by research findings
We googled for “Moving To Opportunity,”
the official name of the federal program that gave vouchers to
project residents to move out. Close to the top of the search
results was a list of research reports. We clicked on four that had
interesting titles, and every single study consistently supported
the viewpoint in the Atlantic Monthly article reported here.
Below are capsule summaries of their findings:
1. “The results show no significant
effects on test scores for any age group among over 5000 children
ages six to 20 in 2002 who were assessed four to seven years after
[moving].”
2. “We are unable to detect evidence in
support of the contagion hypothesis.” [The hypothesis is that crime
is “contagious” so that if you remove people from a criminal
environment – the projects – crime should stop. But it doesn’t.]
3. “We study outcomes in four domains:
education, risky behavior, mental health, and physical health.
Females [who moved] experienced improvements in education and mental
health and were less likely to engage in risky behaviors. Males [who
moved] were more likely…to engage in risky behaviors and to
experience physical health problems…. Families with female children
and families with male children moved to similar neighborhoods,
suggesting that their outcomes differ not because of exposure to
different types of neighborhoods but because male and female
youth respond to their environments in different ways.” [emphasis
added]
4. “While girls fare better in many ways
after moving to more affluent neighborhoods, boys appear to be
either unaffected or negatively affected by such moves.”